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Fathers’ Day
The fathers’ rights movement has shaken the family law Bar,
from law offices to courtrooms to government. Its members are
dedicated to their cause, unwavering in their beliefs, and
furious with judges, lawyers and politicians. They evoke
sympathy from some and scorn from others, but they can’t be
ignored any longer.
By Sheldon Gordon
In
June 2002, Peter Cornakovic of Burlington, Ontario, entered a
family court in Milton and approached the bench, while calling
for the police to be summoned. Cornakovic then grabbed Justice
Terrance O’Connor and placed him under a "citizen’s arrest,"
allegedly under the provisions of the federal Crimes Against
Humanity and War Crimes Act, based on some of the judge’s
decisions that awarded custody to mothers instead of fathers.
The police did come and quickly arrested
Cornakovic, who was upset with his court-ordered support
payments and his seven-year court battle with his ex-wife. But
although his citizen’s arrest went nowhere, Cornakovic did
become something of a folk hero in some quarters — specifically,
to the growing number of fathers’ rights groups in Canada.
"Just as David once stood up against
Goliath," wrote the Canada Family Action Coalition (CFAC) of
Calgary on its Website, "Mr. Cornakovic decided to stand up
against the tyranny of court." Toronto-based Fathers Are Capable
Too (FACT), while discouraging Cornakovic’s tactics, did issue a
press release stating its belief that "there are grounds for an
investigation and prosecution of the charge of crimes against
humanity as persecution and enslavement."
In a society where men still hold most
positions of legal, economic and political power, a fathers’
rights movement might seem strange to some. Yet in the past
decade, networks of divorced dads have begun demanding a new
deal for fathers under the Divorce Act. Seeking to make "equal
custody" the parenting model for children of ruptured marriages,
fathers’ rights groups have become vocal rebels against the
status quo.
Some groups even engage in street protest.
Members of Toronto-based DADS Canada have frequently picketed
the offices of what they call "deadbeat judges" — justices who,
they claim, "didn’t read the paperwork or insist their access
orders be enforced." The group has also picketed the homes of
"deadbeat moms" who allegedly refuse to heed court orders, and
urges that they be liable for jail time, the same as "deadbeat
dads" who fail to pay support.
Fathers’ rights organizations say males are
being persecuted and victimized by the family court system. They
argue that female violence against men is intentionally
underreported. They hold vigils for men who have committed
suicide allegedly because of family court decisions and onerous
support payments. They are angry and passionate about their
cause. And despite the wishes of more than a few lawyers, they
are not going away.
A strident voice
The fathers’ rights movement is a widely
diversified network of dozens of groups, loosely affiliated
through Website links and common ideals. While the largest of
the groups have no more than 100 registered members, they claim
to speak for a much wider constituency.
"Each group has its own way of doing things,"
says Gus Sleiman, spokesman for the Calgary-based Men’s
Educational Support Association (MESA). "Some concentrate on
children’s rights, some only insist on men’s rights. But all say
that we need equality in parenting."
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COMMON GROUND?
Fathers’ rights advocates and many family lawyers appear
to have a common dislike: the federal child support
guidelines. But that doesn’t make the two groups friends.
Despite the animosity between the family law Bar and the
fathers’ rights movement, its members do appear to have one
thing in common: a dim view of the child support guidelines
promulgated under the federal Divorce Act.
The existing guidelines, which will continue despite the
new legislation, allow ex-spouses who are paying child
support to reduce their financial obligation if they engage
in "shared parenting," defined by the guidelines as spending
40% or more of the time with the child.
Like other fathers’ rights groups, the Canadian Committee
for Fairness in Family Law of Pickering, Ont., dislikes the
40% rule. "[It’s] something that needs to be changed," says
spokesman James Hodgins.
"It’s a particular marker that was put in the sand and
does not reflect the reality of the costs that the
non-custodial [parent] has," he says. "Somebody whose kids
are living with them, say, 33% of the time — 120 days of the
year — is not given any recognition of the costs they incur
for food and shelter."
The CBA doesn’t think highly of the 40% rule either,
albeit for different reasons. Profit points out that in a
dual-income family where both spouses are earning $50,000
and where each has the child 40% or more of the time, it can
be that neither parent would be obliged to pay any child
support under the guidelines. "We suggested moving away from
the 40% guideline," says Huddart, "but it sounds like the
government isn’t quite sure what to do about that."
But here too, the bad blood between fathers’ rights
groups and family lawyers is clear. The fathers’ push for
joint custody is "really financially driven as much as
anything else," Huddart charges, "because their assumption
is, ‘If we have joint custody, I won’t have to pay any child
support. It doesn’t matter that my wife earns half of what I
earn.’
"But those people who are crying foul and saying the
system is discriminating against them — those are the ones
where you have to look behind what they’re saying to what
they want to achieve as their end result," she says. "I
don’t want to say these things are all driven by money, but
that is problematic, and it’s probably going to continue to
be problematic."
Carey Linde, a Vancouver lawyer and fathers’ rights
advocate, dismisses the idea that the push for shared
parenting is financially motivated. "That is such aberrant
nonsense," he says. "If there are two fathers who want 40%
of the time in order to save money on child support, there
are 1,000 mothers who deny fathers 40% [of the time] in
order to make money."
Charlottetown family lawyer Ron Profit doesn’t accept
Linde’s 1,000/2 ratio, but does think the temptation to
exploit the 40% rule "cuts both ways. Some women try to make
sure the husband doesn’t have 40%." Montreal family lawyer
Miriam Grassby doesn’t even go that far: "If a parent felt
that the other parent’s main reason to have more time was to
pay less support, they’re certainly going to be conscious of
the time/money relationship. But I haven’t seen much of it."
The 40% rule is only one of the concerns with the child
support guidelines. In a lawsuit in which he is challenging
the child custody laws, Calgary lawyer Gerald Chipeur is
also challenging the entire federal child-support model.
According to his statement of claim, the federal model
"arbitrarily requires men (in 90% of the cases) to make
payments to their former spouses, using a formula that is
not based on the needs of the children." He says this
violates the Charter protections against discrimination. The
model, he argues, "does not require the child support
payments to be accounted for or in fact spent on the
children. This deprives children of financial security."
Chipeur also contends that the model "establishes a new
tax — a tax on being divorced and a father — and directs the
tax revenues to a former spouse, not the children. It
violates the constitutional separation of powers between
Parliament and the judiciary by delegating to the courts the
power to set taxes."
In an interview, Chipeur concedes that for incomes under
$100,000, "the model works. However, for incomes over that,
there’s too much money going above the actual need, and it
goes up exponentially with income."
On this point, Reierson actually agrees. "It’s absolutely
true that at the high-income end, it’s a transfer of wealth,
and it is oppressive at the low end, too. [As it goes up
beyond a certain income,] it grossly benefits the receiving
parent." The problem, she says, is devising an alternative
model that doesn’t have flaws, too. |
The movement arose in the late 1980s as provinces adopted
tougher enforcement of child support orders, causing many
divorced fathers to resent a system they felt was stacked in
favour of their ex-wives. Fathers’ rights advocates speak out on
a number of issues — onerous support payments, alleged judicial
bias and others — all of which touch in some way on divorced men
who feel unfairly treated by the family law system.
The groups and their many lawyer advocates reject accusations
that they are hostile towards women. "We have no quarrel with
women as a group," says Gene Colman, a Toronto family lawyer, on
his Website. "Let us not forget that there are many women,
particularly poor women and native women, who likewise quite
often are not being treated well by the courts, particularly in
the child welfare field."
Indeed, many of the groups favouring equal custody have women
among their members, and several are either composed entirely of
or headed by women, including Mothers For Kids in Toronto and
the Alberta Federation Of Women United For Families in Calgary.
FACT cites a COMPASS poll conducted in 1998 as proof that
public opinion is on its side. Asked "how important is it for
children from divorced parents to maintain an ongoing
relationship with the non-custodial parent," 80% of respondents
said "very" and another 17% said "somewhat." Replying to another
question, 60% said "the needs of fathers" receive "too little
attention" from family court.
If these results are accurate, then why haven’t fathers’
rights groups won more political support? "The politicians think
the radical feminists represent enough people that they’ll lose
votes," says Carey Linde, a Vancouver family law practitioner
who acts mainly for fathers. "But I believe the vast majority of
women believe in shared parenting. Even the courts have advanced
remarkably compared to the politicians."
Not that the fathers’ rights movement is prepared to rescind
its criticism of family law courts. Gene Colman, in a
presentation to FACT, asked: "Is there a particular problem with
gender bias in Canada’s family courts? I believe that there is
….
"Many of my colleagues openly admit to telling their male
clients, ‘It is not a good time to be a man in the courts of
Canada these days.’ We say this because we know from admittedly
subjective experience that to succeed as a man in court, it is
much more difficult than if you are a woman. That is the
reality."
There’s also some serious animosity between many fathers’
rights advocates and many family law practitioners. The movement
has often derided lawyers as promoting "the divorce industry,"
and anti-lawyer screeds are common on many fathers’ rights
Websites.
Mickey Campbell, president of Kamloops, B.C.-based Parents of
Broken Families, doesn’t mince words. "I know these lawyers
around here. Lawyers are trying to get their clients better
deals; they use trickery and subterfuge. But that should not
happen when it comes to the dissolution of marriages, which
affects children….
"Most men are conciliatory and want to have as little rancour
as possible," he says. "But once you get a lawyer involved,
there’s no hope for a just settlement: they cause so much
hostility and bad feeling with their false accusations and
exaggerated accusations in an attempt to colour the judge’s
judgment."
The family law Bar is just as severe in its return criticism.
"A number of the most vociferous activists on the fathers’
rights side have got some really serious parenting problems,"
says Halifax family practitioner Lynn Reierson.
The sternest critics of the current system, adds
Charlottetown sole practitioner and current CBA-P.E.I. President
Ron Profit, "are often the individuals who quickly invoke and
use the courts. They are often the individuals attempting to
make the system as adversarial as possible," and become bitter
when they lose.
Custody and access
All fathers’ rights groups in Canada have a common flashpoint
of anger: the current child custody system, under which women
usually end up with custody of children and men usually end up
with access. The groups allege anti-male gender bias in the
courts — a bias they claim is reinforced by similar attitudes in
the federal Justice Department, the family law Bar, and the
media.
"The [Divorce Act] is gender-neutral, but there is a gender
bias in the system — and in society," says Linde. "The bias is
that the children should stay with the mother. The simplest way
to change the law is to enact legislation which creates a
rebuttable presumption of 50-50, equal-time, shared parenting."
FACT vice-president David Osterman asks: "Why do judges order
— ‘in the best interests of the child’ — that the child is to
live in poverty, and then try to solve that by forcing the
non-custodial parent to pay money to the mother, who is not
supporting the child? Rather than kidnapping kids from one
parent … and forcing the victim of the crime to be extorted, an
unbalanced starting point, why not state upfront that each
parent is to have 50% of the time?"
FACT’s Website warns that presumptive awards of custody to
mothers are causing major social pathology: "It is
well-established that children need both parents, with or
without the trauma of divorce. Loss of the father is the best
predictor of later incarceration, psychological and educational
problems and teenage pregnancy, as well as numerous other harms
to children."
The alleged bias favouring mothers in custody awards is just
the first of many points at which fathers’ rights groups butt
heads with the family law Bar. "My fellow lawyers see few
examples of gender bias," says Profit.
"By and large, the courts are even-handed," he maintains.
"The perceived gender bias is because the mother usually gets
custody. But that’s because she’s had the primary responsibility
for child care before and after separation, and the courts
aren’t prepared to look at a new regime for care."
Reierson, who represents more men than women in her practice,
believes the courts are right to give significant weight to "the
care that kids are used to, and the proven ability to provide
the care." If this results in a de facto gender bias, she says,
"I don’t apologize for that. Whoever alleges they are a primary
caregiver has to present to the court the evidence that in fact
they are.
"It’s not a matter of coming in and saying, ‘I’m the mom, so
obviously I must be the primary caregiver,’" she adds. "In lots
of households, those duties are shared, and if they are shared,
it’s very hard to prove that one party or the other is the
primary caregiver."
Fathers’ rights groups point to data compiled by the Justice
Department showing that 80% of parenting orders have given
mothers sole custody, while only 10% have given fathers sole
custody. But Reierson says that statistic "doesn’t tell me a
whole lot."
In Nova Scotia, she says, no more than 20% of divorces result
in sole custody, and two-thirds of those are by consent. "I
can’t imagine why there’d be a problem with consent orders for
sole custody," she notes. "Then you’re left with an even smaller
percentage of contested cases where moms get sole custody,
almost all" of which involve family violence.
But fathers’ rights groups have an answer here as well. When
sole custody is awarded to mothers by consent, they argue, it’s
usually because the fathers believe the system is stacked
against them and don’t put up a fight. In that sense, they say,
it’s not consent so much as resignation to a fait accompli.
"Not based on my experience," says Reierson. "In my practice,
the vast majority of consent orders are for joint custody,
though not necessarily 50-50 time-sharing," she says.
"Occasionally, they are for [the mother’s] sole custody, but
it’s not because the father is giving up.
"Overall, men have more resources than women to fight about
this," Reierson says. "We do not have an effective legal aid
system that gives women an advantage over men in these cases."
She adds that often, the father who represents himself has the
backing of an organization. "A lot of those guys are
self-represented by choice — because as a group, they think they
can do a better job than hiring a lawyer."
Bill C-22
If fathers’ rights groups dislike the current child custody
system, then they loathe Bill C-22, which contains numerous
amendments to the federal Divorce Act. Presented to Parliament
in December 2002, the bill would eliminate the terms "custody"
and "access," replacing them with "parental responsibility" and
"contact."
Judges would issue a "parenting and contact order," based on
the traditional overriding concept of "the best interests of the
child." That determination, under s. 16 (2), would be made with
reference to a list of criteria, including:
• the child’s heritage and spiritual background,
• the child’s relationship with each parent,
• which parent did most of the childcare before separation,
and
• whether either parent has ever been violent or has a
criminal record.
Contrary to the wishes of fathers’ groups, however, the bill
did not set out a legal presumption in favour of either parent
or of any particular parenting arrangement. Fathers’ rights
advocates are insistent that only legislatively mandated custody
arrangements can defeat the anti-father bias inherent in the
family court system.
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The face of frustration
Gus Sleiman, a restaurant manager in Calgary, is a divorced,
non-custodial father. He was given limited supervised access
by an Ontario court in 1997 and last saw his son in 1998,
when the boy was six years old. He is currently suing for
access to his son’s medical records, which are denied to
non-custodial parents.
"I want to see the actual principles of equal parent
responsibility incorporated into the Divorce Act," says
Sleiman, leader of the Calgary-based Men’s Educational
Support Association (MESA). "That’s what brought me to be
active in this organization. I realized something was
terribly wrong with the court’s decision on access."
Toronto software developer David Osterman has been
involved in the fathers’ rights movement since 1996. "I saw
the way the system operated, and was for a period torn out
of my children’s life, but was able to get reattached," says
the Vice-President of FACT. "But I succeeded through
negotiation. The legal process itself is incredible: it
escalates conflict. The most important thing is to get the
case out of the legal system."
Mickey Campbell, a retired corrections officer in
Kamloops, B.C., became involved in Parents of Broken
Families when a friend who was in the midst of a custody
battle asked him along to a meeting. He kept returning, he
says, out of "curiosity and interest." Campbell has had his
own bitter experience.
When he and his second wife divorced, the agreement was
for her to have sole custody of their two daughters and
Campbell to have access. But she moved to Alberta with the
children without informing him, he says.
"Perhaps I could have forced her back to B.C.," he says,
"but my lawyer said it would cost me $30,000. I didn’t have
that kind of money. I take issue with the state reducing the
father to the role of visitor." |
Infuriating many divorced fathers, Justice Minister Martin
Cauchon rejected the key recommendation of a special joint
Senate-Commons committee whose 1998 report, For the Sake of the
Children, advocated "shared parenting," a regime that would
"maximize the involvement" of two parents in the child’s life.
"Parents don’t have rights vis-à-vis their children," said
Cauchon. "They have responsibilities."
Bill C-22 provoked an angry letter from 39 equal-custody
groups across Canada, ranging from Fathers for Equality in
Victoria to the New Brunswick Children’s Equal Parenting
Association in Saint John. "Eliminating custody and access
language from the Divorce Act will do precisely nothing to
alleviate the suffering of countless thousands of Canadian
children," said the joint letter.
Addressing the Minister, the groups said: "[Y]ou are trying
to use a notion of ‘parental responsibility’ to suppress
consideration of the real needs of children and the
indispensable rights of all parents…. We believe that your
political investment in hatred toward men has blinded you to the
fact that you are destroying the fabric of society."
As much as fathers’ rights groups champion the cause of
presumptive shared parenting, the CBA’s Family Law Section is
dead-set against it. The Section says the "best interests of the
child" principle should remain paramount, and that judges need
flexibility to make that determination. The CBA rejects a legal
presumption of shared parenting as the starting point for family
court decisions on custody.
"We’re not representing mothers’ rights or fathers’ rights,
but an in-the-trenches perspective," says Section Vice-Chair
Judith Huddart of the Toronto firm Dranoff & Huddart. "We’re not
promoting any agenda, except perhaps the best interests of the
child."
Notwithstanding this position, the Family Law Section is
otherwise rather lukewarm in its support of Bill C-22. The
Section was not "necessarily in favour of making changes to the
Divorce Act on custody and access," says Huddart. "If it ain’t
broke, why fix it?
"[But] we ended up acknowledging that the direction the
government was taking wasn’t unreasonable, given what was
happening in the real world," she says. "You were seeing
parenting agreements in most separation agreements. They
probably saw that the terminology in the legislation was lagging
behind what was actually happening."
Reierson and Profit, both former Chairs of the Section, also
view Bill C-22’s amendments to the language of "custody" and
"access" with a fair degree of skepticism. "Changing the
language to something that nobody has defined is a bad idea,"
warns Reierson. "It will increase litigation and cause all kinds
of problems.
"I don’t see a benefit to children or litigants on either
side of the gender divide, in changing the language to ‘parental
responsibility,’" she says. "It’s not a bad idea to include some
specific factors [on which to base parent contact decisions],
but the ones they’ve included look pretty obvious to me."
While fathers’ rights groups may be highly critical of family
court, that’s not stopping them from advancing their goals on
another judicial front. FACT and three other groups have
launched an action in Federal Court to overturn the child
custody provisions of the existing Divorce Act.
Their statement of claim says that the legal test used to
decide which parent obtains custody is biased against fathers,
thereby violating the discrimination provisions of the Charter
of Rights and Freedoms, as well as the United Nations Convention
on the Rights of the Child.
"Divorces are hard on everyone, especially the children,"
says Gerald Chipeur of Calgary’s Chipeur Advocates, who
represents the plaintiffs. "This lawsuit claims that the current
divorce laws actually make things worse, by making custody
hearings just another ‘battle of the sexes.’ That adversarial
system should be replaced with an emphasis on joint, equal
custody that recognizes that children need time with both their
mom and their dad."
Seeking progress
The fathers’ rights movement, despite the attention it has
attracted, knows it has not achieved any kind of victory. "All
we’ve done is to get people to listen to us," says Mickey
Campbell. "I’m a realist. Governments are concerned about voting
power — they’ll only listen if you’ve got lots of members and
can affect the vote."
The Canadian Committee For Fairness In Family Law, a national
group based in Pickering, Ont., remains optimistic about making
headway. "I know there’s a lot of frustration because of the
intransigence of the people who work in the federal Justice
Department," says spokesman James Hodgins. "But once we have a
change of leadership within the Liberal Party and some of the
senior ministries, perhaps a new direction will go to the
Departments."
Judith Huddart believes the aggressive tactics of the
fathers’ rights groups have done their cause more harm than
good. "I think the fathers’ rights movement is perceived as
supporting a certain stereotypical approach and position in
terms of children," she notes.
"I don’t think anybody perceived in that way is going to get
as much credibility as someone who is open to changes and
accepting that they’re not always right. Once you get
stereotyped … then a lot of what you say is dismissed, whether
it may have some merit or not."
But Huddart is hopeful that the movement may splinter if
Ottawa lives up to its commitment to provide more funding for
mediation, parent counseling courses and other resources for
divorcing couples. "I’m sure there will always be the diehards
who want to be seen as victims," she says.
"If the support systems are put in place, however, we can
pull some people who have been attracted to the fathers’ rights
movement away from such a one-position approach and get them
back to focusing on their children."
Sheldon Gordon is a freelance
writer based in Toronto. His last article for National, "Falling
through the cracks," was the November 2003 cover story
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english
Pèresplexes
Le mouvement de revendication des droits des pères a secoué
le droit de la famille. Conspué par les uns, provoquant une
sympathie chez les autres, il ne peut être passé sous silence.
« Il s’agit du combat de David contre Goliath » écrivait la
Canadian Family Action Coalition (CFAC) sur son site Web suite à
l’arrestation de Peter Cranakovic, un citoyen de Burlington en
Ontario. En juin 2002, Cranakovic avait fait irruption dans le
tribunal de Milton afin de « mettre sous arrêt civil » le juge
Terrance O’Connor lui reprochant certaines de ses décisions en
matière de garde d’enfants où c’est la mère qui avait obtenu la
garde au détriment du père.
Dans notre société où les hommes sont encore majoritairement
au pouvoir, un mouvement de protection des droits des pères peut
paraître étrange. Pourtant, au cours des dix dernières années,
des réseaux de pères divorcés ont revendiqué qu’on accorde une
meilleure place au père dans la Loi sur le divorce. Pour eux, la
violence des femmes est intentionnellement banalisée et les
hommes sont des victimes du système de droit familial actuel.
Ces hommes sont en colères, ils sont passionnés et, au désespoir
de certains avocats, ils ne sont pas prêts de disparaître.
Porte-voix
Le mouvement des droits des pères constitue, en quelque sorte,
un réseau de douzaines de groupes diversifiés tout en étant unis
par des idéaux communs. Même si le plus grand de ces groupes ne
compte pas plus de 100 adhérents, ils prétendent parler au nom
de beaucoup plus. « Chaque groupe a sa façon de faire les choses
», commente Gus Sleisman, porte-parole de Men Educational
Support Association (MESA) de Calgary. « Certains se concentrent
sur les droits des enfants alors que d’autres insistent sur les
droits des hommes uniquement », ajoute-t-il.
C’est à la fin des années 1980 que ces associations ont pris
de l’ampleur. La plupart des provinces insistaient alors plus
fortement sur le respect des obligations alimentaires provoquant
un ressentiment chez certains pères divorcés qui estimaient que
le système favorisait les ex-conjointes. Se défendant des
accusations d’hostilité envers les femmes, ces groupes
soulignent qu’ils favorisent plutôt un modèle d’égalité en
matière de garde. « Nous n’avons rien à reprocher aux femmes en
général », commente Gene Colman, un avocat en droit de la
famille de Toronto proche du mouvement des droits des pères.
D’ailleurs, plusieurs de ces associations intègrent des femmes
dans leurs rangs ou sont dirigées par des femmes. C’est le cas
de Mothers For Kids de Toronto et de l’Alberta Federation Of
Women United For Families in Calgary.
Pourtant, le mouvement de revendication des droits des pères
obtient encore peu de support au niveau politique et entretient
de difficiles relations avec le milieu des avocats du droit de
la famille. Pour Carey Linde, un avocat en droit de la famille
de Vancouver qui représente essentiellement des pères, cela
s’expliquerait par le fait que « les politiciens croient que les
féministes radicales représentent suffisamment de votes. » Quant
à la communauté de juristes en droit de la famille, Mickey
Campbell, président de Parent Of Broken Families, prétend que
ces derniers n’apprécieraient pas de se voir accuser
d’entretenir « l’industrie du divorce. » Une critique que
n’accepte pas Ron Profit, praticien en droit de la famille et
président de la Division d’Île-du-Prince-Édouard de l’ABC. «
Ceux qui critiquent le système de la façon la plus virulente
sont souvent ceux qui fomentent la confrontation », commente
Profit.
Droits de garde, droits d’accès
Le système de droits de garde actuel est la source commune de
ressentiment de tous les groupes de défense des droits des pères
du Canada. Pour eux, le résultat est trop souvent le même: les
mères obtiennent la garde alors que les pères doivent se
contenter de droits d’accès. La présence d’un préjugé anti-mâle
au sein des tribunaux expliquerait ce résultat. Un préjugé qui
serait exacerbé par les positions du Ministère fédéral de la
Justice, les avocats en droit de la famille et les médias.
« Pourquoi les juges ordonnent-ils, dans le meilleur intérêt
de l’enfant, que l’enfant vive dans la pauvreté et tentent-ils,
de résoudre cette situation en forçant le parent non gardien à
payer la mère? » « Au lieu de kidnapper l’enfant et forcer la
victime du crime, le parent non gardien, à payer, pourquoi ne
pas annoncer clairement que chaque parent doit disposer de 50%
du temps », s’interroge David Osterman, vice-président du groupe
Fathers Are Capable Too (FACT).
Une opinion que ne partage pas Profit qui affirme que ses
collègues avocats perçoivent rarement de préjugés de la part de
la Cour.
« Le préjugé allégué origine du constat que c’est
généralement la mère qui obtient la garde. Cela s’explique par
le fait que la plupart du temps, elle assumait la responsabilité
principale des enfants avant et après la séparation et que les
tribunaux ne souhaitent pas aménager un nouvel arrangement quant
à la garde. »
Projet de loi C-22
Si les groupes de défense des droits des pères se plaignent
du système actuel, ils ne sont pas plus enchantés par le projet
de modification de la Loi sur le divorce. Le projet, présenté au
Parlement en décembre 2002, prévoit éliminer les termes « garde
» et « accès » pour les remplacer par « ordonnance parentale »
et « ordonnance sur les contacts personnels ».
Contrairement à ce que souhaitaient les groupes de défense
des droits des pères, le projet de loi C-22 ne crée pas de
présomption en faveur d’un parent ou d’un type d’arrangement
précis. Pour ces groupes, seuls des arrangements prévus
spécifiquement par la loi peuvent contrecarrer les préférences
des tribunaux. Idéalement, les groupes de pères auraient
souhaité obtenir une présomption de coparentalité. Ce à quoi la
Section du droit de la famille de l’ABC s’oppose puisqu’elle
considère que les juges ont besoin de flexibilité pour s’assurer
de respecter le meilleur intérêt de l’enfant. Ce qui n’empêche
toutefois pas Reierson et Profit, deux anciens présidents de la
Section, de percevoir le changement de langage gouvernemental
avec un brin de scepticisme. « Modifier les termes utilisés pour
référer à des concepts inconnus est une mauvaise idée »,
commente Reierson. « Cela aura pour effet d’augmenter les
litiges et de créer toutes sortes de problèmes. »
Un succès mitigé
Fructueuses, les interventions des groupes pour les droits
des pères? Selon Mickey Campbell, président de Parents of Broken
Family, il est clair que si les associations ont obtenu de
l’attention, elles n’ont toutefois pas obtenu les succès
escomptés. « Je suis réaliste, les gouvernements ne sont
préoccupés que par les votes. Ils vous écouteront uniquement si
vous disposez de suffisamment de membres pour influencer le
scrutin. »
Pour sa part, Judith Huddart, vice-présidente de la Section
du droit de la famille de l’ABC, estime que les groupes ne se
sont pas aidés en adoptant des tactiques agressives. Elle espère
que le gouvernement fédéral respecte ses promesses d’octroyer
plus de financement pour des mesures de soutien aux couples qui
se divorcent. « Si ces mesures sont mises en place, une personne
qui aurait pu être attirée par l’approche unilatérale des
groupes de défense des droits des pères tournera peut-être son
attention vers ce qui importe: son enfant. »
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